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AĞQOYUNLU DÖVLƏTI: OSMAN BƏYIN ÖLÜMÜNDƏN UZUN HƏSƏN BƏYƏ (1435-1456)

THE AQ-QOYUNLU STATE FROM THE DEATH OF OSMAN BEY TO UZUN HASAN BEY (1435-1456)

Journal Name:

  • Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences

Publication Year:

  • 2005
Author NameUniversity of Author
Abstract (2. Language): 
The creator of the Aq-Qoyunlu principality founded in the region of Diyarbakır was Kara Yülük Osman Bey, a member of the Bayındır tribe of the Oghuz. The Bayındır tribe, which had actually participated in the conquest of Anatolia, was concentrated in the Upper Euphrates and Tigris River basins during the period of Mongol rule. With the collapse of the Ġlhan State, the Bayındır, who centered the tribal leadership on their family, formed the Aq-Qoyunlu nation by uniting with other tribes. The name under which they first enter the historical record was “Tur Alililer” and under this name they were active for an extended period in the Kelkit and Trabzon basin. During the period when Emir Timur (Tamerlane) of the Chaghatay made his influence felt in Anatolia, one branch of the Tur Alililer under the leadership of Kara Yülük Osman Bey broke off and joined Timur. After the Battle of Ankara in 1402 when Anatolia came under Chaghatay control, under Osman Bey‟s leadership the tribe settled in Diyarbekir and founded an emirate there. Later, when the Tur Alililer group in the Kelkit Valley joined Osman Bey the Aq-Qoyunlu nation and an emirate based on it came into existence (1403). The emirate, which was subject to the Chaghatay, showed great development during the period of Osman Bey. Many tribes residing in the Tigris and Euphrates river basins joined the Aq-Qoyunlu nation. In addition, starting with Diyarbekir (Âmid), when well-known centers in eastern and southeastern Anatolia such as Mardin, Urfa, Kemah, Ergani, Erzincan, Bayburt, Tercan and Erzurum were included within the emirate‟s boundaries other centers such as Silvan, Ahlat, Bitlis, Eğil, Hasankeyf and Tercil accepted its rule. For these they contested with the Mamlûks and the Qara-Qoyunlu; their greatest ally was Timur‟s grandson, the Chaghatay ruler Shâh Rukh. The emirate, which grew in both in people and area under Osman Bey‟s leadership, became a regional power controlling major roads and routes linking the Caucasus, Azerbaijan and Anatolia. However, with this came certain difficulties. First of all, the emirate‟s geographic location hindered the development of a strong, centralized administration. Along with territorial expansion came the need for a more effective bureaucratic system. It was necessary to redefine the position of the tribes within the Aq-Qoyunlu nation, but this was extremely dangerous for the state. When Osman Bey died while in the process of solving these challenges, the tribes started a struggle for power. Kara Yülük‟s successor, Ali Bey, was not recognized by a large part of the Aq-Qoyunlu nation resulting in a twenty-year civil war. These times were the darkest and most turbulent in Aq-Qoyunlu history, yet also extremely productive from the perspective of resolving its difficulties. When the civil war ended the political, social and cultural work leading to an empire had been completed to a great degree.
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Abstract (Original Language): 
Ağqoyunlu Dövlətinin əsası XV əsrin əvvəllərində Oğuzlara aid olan Bayandır tayfası tərəfindən Diyarbəkir bölgəsində qoyulmuĢdur. Qurucusu olan Osman Bəyin (1403-35) dövründə bu ölkə xeyli tərəqqi etmiĢ və qisa bir zamanda geniĢlənməyə baĢlamıĢdır. Ancaq ölkənin sürətli və riskli böyüməsi bəzi problemlər də yaratmıĢdır. Xüsusilə də, yeni yaranmıĢ dövlətdə tayfaların statusu məsələsi ciddi munaqiĢələr doğurmuĢdur. Osman Bəy özü nüfuzlu Ģəxsiyyət olsa da, onun qısa ömrü bu problemləri kökündən həll etməyə yetmədi və onun ölümündən sonra iyirmi il davam edən bir vətəndaĢ müharibəsi baĢladı. Bu münaqiĢə çox ciddi iqtisadi, siyasi və sosial zərərlər gətirsə də, əslində müəyyən qədər də dövlət problemini həll etdi. Məhz buna görə də, bu dövrün hadisələri çox önəmlidir. Dr. Ġlhan Ərdəm bu məqaləsində o dovrün hadisələrini və münaqiĢələrini, həmçinin, Əli Bəy, Sultan Həmzə və Cahangir Mirzə hökmranlıqlarının daxili və xarici dinamikasını tədqiq etmiĢdir.
FULL TEXT (PDF): 
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  • 3-4
  • Azerbaijani

REFERENCES

References: 

1. Abu Bakr-i Tihranî, Kitab-i Diyarbekriyye (Publ. N. Lugal - F. Sümer) TTK Yay., Ankara 1962-64, I, pp. 112-18; Hasan Beg Rumlu, Ahsenu’t-Tevarih, (Publ. A. Hoseyn Nevai), Tehran 1349, pp. 216-17; Mirza Şahruh ve Zaman› (1405-1447), TTK Yay., Ankara 1994, pp. 154-55.
2. Tihranî, op. cit., I, p. 121-22.
3. Tihranî, op. cit. I, pp. 124-27; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 226-28.
4. Tihranî, op. cit. I, pp. 127-28; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 225-26; Sümer, Faruk, Kara Koyunlular Başlangıçtan Cihan-şah’a Kadar, vol. I, Ankara 1984, p. 139.
5. Tihranî, op. cit. I, pp. 128-30.
6. Tihranî, op. cit. I, pp. 135-36.
7. Tihranî, op. cit. I, pp. 137-41; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 232.
8. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 141-43; Maktrizi, T. Ahmet, Kitabü’s-Sülûk (Publ. A. Fettah Ashur), Cairo, 1970-72, IV/3 pp. 1055-60.
9. Tihranî, op. cit., I, p. 143; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 233; Makrizi, op. cit., IV/3, p. 1072.
10. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 149-51
11. Tihranî, op. cit., I, p. 152; Makrizi, op. cit., IV/4, p. 1105.
12. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 152-53. According to the source the young prince who would be the future world-shaking Hasan Padishah was so destitute and desperate that his only possessions were the piece of cotton cloth that he wore and a horse he could not feed even if it were to turn into a moth.
13. Along with the centralized state system, a strong Turcomanism is seen among the Ottomans who acknowledged an anti-nomad socio-political policy, especially during the time of Murat II. The most obvious sign of its application can be seen in the zeal with which they tried to connect their line to the Tucoman‟s legendary ancestor Oğuz Khan. The first Ottoman historians spent a great deal of effort to form a genealogical connection between the two sides. For further evaluation and discussion see Köprülü, F., Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun Kuruluşu, Ġstanbul 1981, p. 45; Wittek, P., Osmanlı Devletinin Doğuşu (Trans. Fahriye Arık), Ġstanbul 1947, p. 5 ff.
14. According to the source the Mamlûk ruler gave 3000 Ashrafî dinars to the Aq-Qoyunlu princes and rewarded them with robes of honor and gold belts. In addition, we must make it clear that Hüseyin, who had been at Jihangir‟s side to the last moment, fled to Ottoman territory during events and that after this event Hasan Bey left his uncle‟s side and joined his older brother. See Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 154-56; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 239; Makrizi, op. cit., IV/4, pp. 1185-87.
15. Tihranî, op. cit., pp. 155-59; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 239-41.
16. Tihranî, op. cit., pp. 160-62; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 241. According to Tihranî, eight months after Halil was born, another son named Muhammed was born to Devletshah‟s daughter and nicknamed the child “Uğurlu” (Auspicious) due to the position of the stars. However, after later rebelling he was known as “Uğursuz” (Inauspicious) (see p.163).
17. This is the place where in the period of Sultan Tuğrul Bey the Caliph Qâim Biemrullah stayed for a time during the well-known Besâsîrî uprising. See Osman Turan, Selçuklular Tarihi ve Türk-İslam Medeniyeti, Ankara 1965, p. 147.
18. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 164-67.
19. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 168; Ibn Taghribirdi, En-Nucum’z-Zahire (Publ. W. Poper) Berkeley 1939, VIII, pp. 248-49.
20. Tihranî, op. cit., p. 168; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 243.
21. Tihranî, op. cit., pp. 168-70; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 244.
22. Tihranî, op. cit., p. 169-70.
23. For good examples of the role of the tribes within a state in a political system based on tribal organizations, and their relations with the state see: Vladimirtsov, B.Y., Moğolların İçtimai Teşkilatı, (Trans. A. Ġnan), TTK Publ., Ankara 1987, pp. 45ff.
24. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 172-74; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 244-46. According to what the sources relate, during the siege of Erzincan Hasan Bey, fighting heart and soul, was wounded in numerous places including
his face (Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 245).
25. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 175-77; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 248-49; ĠA, “Cihan Ģah,” vol. 23, p. 176; for the political and social relations of Uzun Hasan and Sheikh Junayd see: Hinz, W., Uzun Hasan ve şeyh Cüneyd - XV. yy. da İran’ın Milli bir Devlet Olarak Yükselişi, (Trans. T. Bıyıklıoğlu), TTK Yay. Ankara 1948.
26. Tihranî, op. cit., I, p. 178; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 170; ĠA, “Cihan Ģah,” p. 176.
27. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 179-80; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 271-72; ĠA, “Cihan Ģah,” p. 176.
28. Tihranî, op. cit., I, p. 181; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 272; Ibn Taghribirdi, Hawadith el-Duhûr fi meda’l-ayyam wa’l-shuhur (Publ. W. Popper), Berkeley 1930, pp. 79-80, 93, 95, 97, 99, 103; ĠA, “Cihan Ģah,” p. 177.
29. Ibn Taghribirdi, Hawadith, p. 104.
30. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 183-85; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 273-74.
31. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 185-202; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 275-77.
32. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 205-13; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., p. 276.
33. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 214-21.
34. The news that Jihangir had reached agreement with the Qara-Qoyunlu reached Cairo in Jamazi el-Awwal 856/May-June 1452. See Ibn Taghribirdi, Hawadith, p. 127; Tihranî, op. cit., p. 221; Woods, J., Akkoyunlular (trans. S. Özbudun), Ġstanbul 1993, p. 142.
35. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 228-30.
36. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 230-32; After the conquest the ambassador that Hasan Bey sent reached Cairo at the beginning of Dhu‟l-Hijja 856/January 1453. See Ibn Taghribirdi, Hawadith, I, p. 137.
37. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 230-32; Woods, op. cit., p. 145.
38. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 236-39.
39. Tihranî, op. cit., I, pp. 239-42; in connection with the events Hasan Beg Rumlu, Ahsenu’t-Tevârîkh, reports that in 859/1455 Emir Taharten‟s son‟s envoys came to the Qara-Qoyunlu capital from Erzincan. For me this casts serious doubt on Erzincan‟s being ruled by Emir Taharten‟s son in the name of the Qara-Qoyunlu at this date.
40. Tihranî, op. cit., II, pp. 243-47.
41. Tihranî, op. cit., II, pp. 253-61; Woods, op. cit., p. 150.
42. Tihranî, op. cit., II, pp. 263-81; Hasan Beg Rumlu, op. cit., pp. 356-58; Ibn Taghribirdi, Hawadith, II, p. 302; Woods, op. cit., p. 150.

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