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ULUSAL KİMLİĞİN BATI BALKANLARDA AB ÜYELİK KOŞULLARININ GEÇERLİLİĞİ ÜZERİNDEKİ ETKİSİ

THE ROLE OF NATIONAL IDENTITY ON THE EU ACCESSION CONDITIONALITY IN WESTERN BALKANS

Journal Name:

Publication Year:

DOI: 
http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/TurkishStudies.12421
Abstract (2. Language): 
The European Union (EU) has formally initiated the vast majority of the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECS) into the Union and Western Balkans’ remaining non-EU countries have became the new target of EU enlargement since 2004. The Union, however, has faced some difficulties in transferring its rules to non-member countries in Western Balkans by means of the EU political accession conditionality in comparison to Central and Eastern European Countries. Here are two questions to mind: ‘Under what circumstances could the conditionality be effective?’ and ‘why does the EU conditionality play relatively limited role in the domestic politics of the Western Balkan states?’ An “external incentive model” is adopted by Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier (2004) to articulate the issue. This study addresses this contestation, arguing that the “external incentive model” is incapable of fully answering these questions and that national identity has a huge impact on the determination of the effectiveness of EU accession conditionality by focusing on the problems limiting this effectiveness in two Balkan states, namely Croatia and Serbia. The reasons why the paper has chosen Croatia and Serbia as case studies are that they are republics of former Yugoslavia and that they have shared war history in the 1990s, however act differently on the way to the European Union (Massari, 2010). Although Croatia has become a member of the Union, Serbia still has got a long way to go.
Abstract (Original Language): 
Avrupa Birliği (AB) 2004 yılından bu yana Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerinin büyük çoğunluğunu resmi olarak birliğe kabul etti ve Batı Balkanlarda geriye kalan üye olmayan ülkeler AB’nin yeni hedefi haline geldi. Ancak, Birlik AB politik üyelik koşulları yoluyla kurallarını Orta ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerine kıyasla Batı Balkanlardaki diğer üye olmayan ülkelere aktarırken birtakım zorluklarla karşılaşmıştır. Burada akla iki soru gelmektedir: Birinci soru, “Hangi şartlar altında bu koşullar etkili olabilir?” iken; ikinci soru, “AB üyelik koşulları neden Batı Balkanlarda bulunan ülkelerin iç politikasında kısmen sınırlı bir rol oynar?” şeklindedir. Bu meseleyi açığa kavuşturmak için Schimmelfennig ve Sedelmeier (2004) tarafından “dış teşvik modeli” benimsenmiştir. Bu çalışma “dış teşvik modelinin” bu soruları tam anlamıyla cevaplandıramadığını ve ulusal kimliğin Batı Balkan devletleri olan Hırvatistan ve Sırbistan’da AB üyelik koşullarının etkililiğini belirleme noktasında önemli bir role sahip olduğunu ileri sürmektedir. Çalışmanın Hırvatistan ve Sırbistan’ı durum çalışmaları olarak ele almasının sebepleri; bu iki ülkenin eski Yugoslav Sosyalist Federal Cumhuriyeti olmaları ve 1990’lı yıllarda ortak bir savaş tarihi paylaşmalarıdır. Belirtilen bu ortak özelliklere rağmen bu iki ülkenin Birliğe olan üyelik sürecine ilişkin tutumlarının birbirinden farklılık arz ettiği dikkat çekmiştir (Massari, 2010). Hırvatistan AB üyeliğini hâlihazırda 2013 yılında elde etmiş olmasına rağmen, Sırbistan’ın bu üyeliği gerçekleştirme noktasında kat etmesi gereken daha çok yol vardır.
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